Egyptian
education is a closed system, detached from contemporary realities and isolated
from the common cultural heritage of mankind, without which no educational
system can hope to produce individuals capable of enriching their nations. But
where and when did this tragedy start, and who is responsible?
To answer this, we must go back to the
time when Mohammad ‘Ali made education available to all Egyptians.
‘Ali had always dreamed of making Egypt
strong and great among the nations of the world, and he believed that this
could not be achieved without an appreciation of modern science and
contemporary culture. In that belief, ‘Ali was ahead of another great nation,
Japan, which discovered the same key to progress a few years later and which
has since been using it boldly and effectively. In 1826 ‘Ali sent the first of
a series of delegations to France. It is thanks to those delegations that Egypt
became so much more advanced than other Arab and African nations by the end of
the 19th century.
These missions returned from Europe
carrying the torch of knowledge and gave Egypt its first modern educational
system—the system which formed Egypt's greatest minds at the end of the 19th
century and in the first three decades of the 20th. Egypt produced more outstanding
figures in that time than any other nation comparable in size or stage of
development has in such a short period. Such figures as politicians Mustapha
Kamel, Mohamed Farid, Sa’ad Zaghlul and Abdel Aziz Fahmy; artists, writers and
poets Hafez Ibrahim, Zaki Mubarak, Sayed Darwish, Aziz Abaza, Al Sanhouri, and
the renowned singer Um Kulthum and many more were products of the solid educational
system and culture sparked by the first Egyptian mission sent to Western Europe
by ‘Ali in 1826.
Tracing the roots of the “enlightenment”
which enriched our scientific and cultural life then is necessary to help us
unearth the roots of the present sterility of our educational system and the
level to which it has sunk. The virtual collapse of education in our country has
gone hand in hand with a breakdown in the values system by which society is
governed. The moral and cultural decline is painfully obvious. The situation
calls for drastic action. Like a surgeon who would not hesitate to amputate
rotting limbs so that the patient may live, we too must ruthlessly remove these
festering wounds from the suffering body of Egypt.
The
politicization of education:
What
I said about the self-imposed isolation of Egyptian post-graduate students
studying abroad and their refusal to taste from the host country’s
opportunities is all the more true of their counterparts in Egypt. The latter
have not even been exposed to other civilizations, nor to the challenge of new
ideas that shock Egyptians expatriates in the West and cause them to retreat
into themselves in what Arnold Toynbee called a “negative reaction”. In fact,
their introversion is a defense mechanism against the challenges posed by the
alien culture, and they nurture it with a misplaced belief in their cultural
superiority and the sense that they can do without “Western” ideas.
I
believe the main reason education fell from its promising heights to the depths
of stagnation in which it is now mired is that the education system, both at
school and, more particularly, university levels, was subjected to political
currents. The subjugation of education of politics did not begin, as some might
believe, in the Nasser era, but in 1925, when the old National University was
transformed into a state institution and renamed the Egyptian University. The
controversy over Taha Hussein’s book on pre-Islamic poetry in the mid-1920s is
a striking example of the attempts made by successive governments to subject
the university to political orientations. The government of Ismail Sidqi (1930-33)
was perhaps the most flagrant at that destructive trend. In the seven years
preceding the 1952 Revolution, attempts to politicize the university were
further stepped up, culminating in 1953-54 in what came to be known as “the
purge”, when the post-revolution regime fired scores of university professors
whom it suspected were not in accord with its policies.
Thus
it was that although the process of politicizing education was not introduced
into Egypt by the 1952 Revolution, it was the years that followed that saw the
most blatant and painful examples of politics ruling academic life and
trampling it underfoot. Despite the fact that violent repression disappeared by
the 1970s, the harm had already been done. The Egyptian University, the
pinnacle of the educational edifice, had become an inanimate corpse, trampled
into subservience by politics. My purpose here is neither to insult nor to
champion any one group against another because the magnitude of the calamity is
such that it no longer matters which leader, regime or era is to blame. A small
consolation here is that if power had fallen into the hands of the Moslem
Brotherhood or the Communists—who, it will be recalled, were a force to be
reckoned with in the Egypt of the ‘40s—education would have suffered twice as
much as it did at the hands of the new regime in Egypt in 1953-54 and beyond.
Part Three will examine the overall
decline in the level of teachers and university professors.
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